The Carter Center has announced a new elections standards portal: http://electionstandards.cartercenter.org/
According to their announcement:
“The site provides an overview of our work and role in building consensus on an obligations-based approach to election observation and support that is rooted in international human rights law. It also gives direct access to our expanding set of tools, statements and reports.”
Jeff Mapes reports in the Oregonian: http://www.oregonlive.com/mapes/index.ssf/2013/10/secretary_of_state_kate_brown_1.html
Still left untold is the story behind Steve Trout’s departure.
Wilson, D. C., & Brewer, P. R. (2013). The Foundations of Public Opinion on Voter ID Laws: Political Predispositions, Racial Resentment, and Information Effects. Public Opinion Quarterly.
Abstract: Voter ID laws require individuals to show government-endorsed identification when casting their ballots on Election Day. Whereas some see these laws as necessary to prevent voting fraud, others argue that fraud is extremely rare and that voter ID laws can suppress voting. The relative newness of the laws, along with variance in their substance, suggests that the public may possess low information about voter ID laws; thus, opinions on the issue may be influenced by political information, group predispositions, and the media. Using data from a national poll (n = 906), this study investigates what underlies opinion on voter ID laws. The results indicate that political predispositions, including ideology, party identification, and racial attitudes, influence support for such laws. The results also yield evidence of several types of information effects. A question-wording experiment shows that exposure to an anti–voter ID law argument framing voter ID laws as preventing eligible people from voting reduced support, whereas other framing treatments (pro and con) had no discernible impact on opinion. A “polarization effect” emerges, with issue familiarity magnifying the gap in opinion between liberals and conservatives. Fox News viewers are particularly likely to support voter ID laws, though no other forms of media use are significantly related to support. Finally, perceptions of voting fraud as “common” are associated with support for voter ID laws.
It’s good when friends help friends! I have been swamped this academic year, as my slow pace of blogging shows.
But this post by Doug Chapin, courtesy of Brian Newby, says in one post what I’ve been trying to tell folks for years. Placing early voting locations is not as easy as creating a pop up Halloween store. The combination of a short term lease and high end electrical, Internet, and accessibility needs make them as rare in some counties as Oregon sunshine in November.
Keep that in mind, Daily Kos and others, when criticizing officials. Scrutinize them, for sure, but make sure you also understand what constraints they may be operating under.
So says a new academic study by the team at the University of Wisconsin.
The study is blogged about in detail at the Fact Tank at the Pew Center on the States and will undoubtedly spark some reaction. The takeaway point for anyone interested in elections and turnout is that a simple minded rational choice model of turnout is, by itself, simply insufficient to understand voting behavior. (This piece cites none of the “classic” turnout articles, nor should it.)
I’ve been critical of the Wisconsin approach in the past for failing to discriminate among different modes of early voting (they code no-excuse absentee and early in-person the same way) and, at least in past work, for relying only on data from 2008. This study doesn’t address the first issue but does expand the universe to include the 2008 presidential contest, a significant advancement.
The study also demonstrates the value of peer-review. Peer review is criticized because it is slow and deliberate. But peer review makes it a lot more likely that scholars get to the right answer. In this case, I’ve seen this paper through a number of versions (including acting as a reviewer), and the impact of peer review is very clear in the final product.
There are other pieces circulating that purport to address this question, including at least one that I reviewed recently showing an opposite result, controlling for the number of early voting locations in each jurisdiction. This question is certainly not closed, but this piece is going to stand as an important marker in the field.
The secret word for my testimony tomorrow at the Presidential Commission on Election Administration is diversity. (Alternative secret words may be complexity or heterogeneity.)
The rise of early voting has added a new layers of diversity to an already incredibly diverse election system. As the NCSL’s early and absentee voting law page shows, states have chosen different paths in adopting convenience voting systems.
The result is that voters have increasingly diverged nationwide in how they cast their ballots. These map from 2008 (the 2012 data is still incomplete) illustrates the pattern nationwide.
Compare the first map, which displays early voting rates overall, with the rates for voting by mail/absentee voting and early in-person voting (users should be able to click on the first map, then just hit the cursor keys to move between the maps).
Not only is there substantial variation among states and regions, but there are even large county by count differences within states.
Diversity and complexity characterize the American electoral landscape. It’s going to be very challenging to come up with recommendations that are specific enough to make forward progress on some of the more challenging issues and also not so general that they are anodyne.
Early voting (no-excuse absentee and early in-person) is under consideration in New Hampshire as Gov. Maggie Hansen signed HB521, which establishes a “committee to study New Hampshire election laws and procedures.”
(These are not the only pieces of legislation concerning early voting that was considered this session:
- HB248, which authorizes the creation of a “committee to study implementation of early processing of absentee ballots at state elections“, what appears to be a more narrow charge, and was ruled “inexpedient to legislate” on March 13).
- HB412-FN, also ruled “inexpedient”, would have standardized the costs and procedures whereby absentee voter lists are made available to candidates.
- HB265, currently in conference, allows and establishes procedures for a family member to deliver an absentee ballot for a voter)
The mandate for the committee under HB251 is fairly broad:
220:3 Duties. The committee shall study all current New Hampshire election laws and procedures and review all options to increase participation including but not limited to solutions to limit lines and wait times in casting ballots and voter registration, public education related to election law, election procedures, early voting, and absentee voting. The committee shall consult with and solicit testimony from the public in the course of its duties.
If it allowed early and no-excuse absentee voting, New Hampshire would join Vermont and Maine as the third New England state allowing these methods of balloting. However, the state’s chief election officer, Secretary of State Bill Gardner, has already expressed skepticism. Gardner says that early voting:
(D)iminishes the value of Election Day itself, because when you write stories about people voting and going to places to cast early ballots, when people read two or three more stories about voting, the significance of the one day itself is diminished in a lot of people’s minds.
Secretary Gardner also says that early voting actually decreases turnout: “how can you make it easier and by making it easier, you get fewer people voting…but that’s what the numbers show.”
On Gardner’s first point, I’d like to say that we have research on how early voting diminishes the value of Election Day, but the record is quite thin.
A seminal paper in the field by John Brehm, Wendy Rahn, and Neil Carlson showed that national elections do generate a small increase in “social capital”, shown by post-election increases in things like generalized trust in government, trust in others, and social identification with groups. However, the cause of the increase was not the act of voting, or psychological engagement in the campaign. Only mobilization contacts by political parties and candidate organizations directly increased social capital.
The Brehm et al. piece is based on the 1996 election, however, at least two generations ago in terms of elections, election administration, and election reform. Brehm, Rahn, and Carlson never asked whether or not the mode of voting mattered–for them, an election consisted of mobilization by campaigns, by non-campaign organizations, a citizen’s engagement with the campaign, and the act of voting.
Others, including myself, have speculated that early voting may change the way individuals think about Election Day as a political and social event, but to date, no one has been able to establish any credible evidence in favor or against this hypothesis. Martha Kropf has revisited the question using date from 2004 and found that ” pre-Election Day voting has little effect on cooperative behaviors in a cross sectional survey.” There have been to my knowledge no follow-up studies.
Perhaps this should not be surprising, given Brehm et al.’s original finding. After all, far from diminishing campaign mobilization, all indications are that early voting increases the length and intensity of campaign activities.
None of this is particularly supportive of Secretary Gardner, but admittedly the research record is thin.
On the second point, however, the record is pretty thick and not at all supportive of the Secretary’s claim. There is just one study out of the University of Wisconsin that purports to show a negative impact of early voting on turnout. The study stands nearly alone in the field in showing a negative impact of early voting (some scholars have shown small declines under “forced” vote by mail in small precincts in California and others have shown that this effect can be offset by election advertising by local election officials). As I have pointed out in the past, the Wisconsin paper is based only on one year’s worth of data (2008), does not discriminate between voting by mail or early in-person, and has not been published or replicated. Dozens of other articles have shown the opposite result: a small but statistically significant increase in turnout.
The Wisconsin team publicized their findings in a NY Times op ed, and this may be what Secretary Gardner is relying on when he made that statement, but otherwise, I’d say the jury is decidedly out.
Secretary Gardner is exactly right, though, when he notes that New Hampshire already has high turnout, and any voting reform is likely to have marginal effects.
That’s what I find regrettable thus far; the committee has been empowered to “review all options to increase participation.” If New Hampshire really wants to increase voter participation, they should make campaigns more competitive, make politics more interesting, get citizens more engaged, and raise the educational and income levels of your populace. Those are the big drivers of turnout.
To borrow from Pew, election administration and reform is designed to make elections accurate, efficient, convenient, and secure.
I hope New Hampshire considers this broader mandate, and doesn’t artificially limit themselves to voter turnout, or they are likely to be disappointed in the outcome.
Important new paper by Alan Gerber, Gregory Huber, and Seth Hill estimates the effects of moving to an all vote-by-mail system in the State of Washington.
The overall estimated impact of the change to VBM is 2.6% in presidential years, 3.3% in midterm years, and 3.8% in odd years, very close to estimates I’ve provided before (see here for an estimate based on national data and here for Oregon estimates).
Using individual level voter files, they find even larger effects on low propensity voters: 9.8 percentage points for those in the file who were only registered to vote at a polling place in 2008, followed by a 3.8 percentage point increase for those who did not vote in 2006, 7, and 8.
The piece is a nice empirical demonstration of how to work with individual voter history files as a way to evaluate an election reform, and it’s also nice to see that the oft-quoted “2-4% effect” (mostly coming out of my mouth) is sustained once again.
Glad to see my friend Doug Chapin back at the keyboard after a well-deserved hiatus.
Doug’s postings about domicile may seem tongue in cheek, but the issue of “domicile” versus “residence” was a heated issue in the most recent Portland mayor’s race.
As anyone from this part of the country knows, Oregon has no sales tax and Washington has no income tax. This creates an interesting cross border dynamic between Portland and Vancouver, two cities that are part of one metropolitan area. Not surprisingly, there is a large shopping mall and a number of car dealerships clustered near Oregon’s northern border. And Clark County, WA has experienced a boom in suburban development over the past quarter century.
Charlie Hales, currently mayor of Portland, was one of these cross border residents for five years. It turned out that he’d paid taxes in Washington from 2004-2009 but continued to be on the voting rolls and cast ballots in Oregon.
What appears to have been the key consideration in Hales’s case is that he was able to claim “temporary” residence in Washington because he “always intended to return to Oregon.” This obligated him to list himself as a Washington resident for tax purposes but not for voting purposes.
The larger issue that Doug refers to is how “domicile” for tax purposes differs from “domicile” for voting purposes. This may seem like an irrelevant distinction to most citizens, but anyone who has paid taxes in more than one jurisdiction or lived overseas and had to choose a “domicile” for voting knows the issue can be far from simple.